By Florence E. Babb
Nicaragua's Sandinista revolution (1979-1990) initiated a vast application of social transformation to enhance the placement of the operating category and terrible, girls, and different non-elite teams via agrarian reform, restructured city employment, and extensive entry to future health care, schooling, and social companies. This ebook explores how Nicaragua's least robust electorate have fared within the years because the Sandinista revolution, as neoliberal governments have rolled again those state-supported reforms and brought measures to advertise the improvement of a market-driven economy.
Drawing on ethnographic study performed during the Nineties, Florence Babb describes the destructive outcomes that experience the go back to a capitalist course, in particular for ladies and low-income voters. additionally, she charts the expansion of women's and different social pursuits (neighborhood, lesbian and homosexual, indigenous, early life, peace, and environmental) that experience taken good thing about new openings for political mobilization. Her ethnographic pics of a low-income barrio and of women's craft cooperatives powerfully hyperlink neighborhood, cultural responses to nationwide and worldwide processes.
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Extra resources for After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal Nicaragua
I have suggested that these are not unrelated phenomena; indeed, they arise from the same cur- Negotiating Spaces 45 rent conditions, and there are indications that the more “cultural” movements are breathing new life into ongoing struggles for economic and social justice. Since 1990 in Nicaragua, there are clear signs that women and other subaltern groups are turning practices honed through more than a decade of revolutionary activity toward collective negotiations over social and political space.
Managua es Nicaragua” referred to the city as a window through which to view the long history of national development as well as underdevelopment. During the Sandinista decade, efforts to bring about social and economic transformation were in many instances directed to the rural areas but impeded by urban interests. Managua’s relationship to the country as a whole was seen as paramount and as mediating Nicaragua’s relationship with the rest of the world. The rapidly growing city has had a commanding—sometimes dominating—presence as the product of twentieth-century agrarian capitalism’s failure to modernize Nicaragua.
Individuals and families have continued to produce without the support of the cooperatives, but bread production is down as much as 50 percent and clothing production in the co-op I have followed and in many others has nearly ground to a halt. The other two cooperatives have had somewhat different experiences. The group of women welders, formed in 1991 after a dozen housewives completed a ten-month training program, suffered a number of setbacks and then ceased to function altogether a couple of years later.
After Revolution: Mapping Gender and Cultural Politics in Neoliberal Nicaragua by Florence E. Babb